New Delhi: When Prime Minister Narendra Modi stepped onto the stage at the Jahan-e-Khusrau Sufi music festival in New Delhi Friday, it was not just about melodies and poetry. His first ever presence at such an event was meant to send a clear political message to all.
This festival, founded by filmmaker Muzaffar Ali and organised by the Rumi Foundation, has been a major platform for Sufi music, poetry and dance since 2001. Coming as it does just a few months after a Hindu lawyer sparked controversy by claiming that the revered Khwaja Gharib Nawaz Dargah Sharif in Ajmer was once a Hindu temple, the Prime Minister’s attendance felt like a deliberate counter-narrative—a gesture of unity aimed at India’s Muslim community, a group the BJP sees as key to cracking the Opposition’s hold on Muslim votes.
Sufi traditions, with their emphasis on love, music, and harmony, align neatly with the BJP’s push to rebrand itself as inclusive. It also aligns with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s recent emphasis on avoiding divisive temple-mosque disputes, signalling a shift toward fostering Hindu-Muslim harmony.
This popular annual festival celebrates the life of Amir Khusrau, court poet of Alauddin Khilji, known for his Sufi devotional qawwali and for promoting peace and harmony, tolerance and religious collaboration.
Confirming his attendance at the festival, Modi said on X, “participation of global artists, musicians, and dancers at the festival strongly resonates with the inclusive and all-encompassing worldview of the country. May the melodious strains of soulful music build bridges of peace, harmony, and friendship between people, societies, and nations. I look forward to witnessing Nazr-e-Krishna”.
Modi’s reference to Nazr-e-Krishna highlights the BJP’s emphasis on cultural overlaps between Hinduism and Sufism. Sufi saints like Raskhan, a 16th-century Sufi saint who worshipped Krishna and who composed Persian translations of Hindu scriptures, exemplify this syncretism. In parts of Uttar Pradesh and Bengal, Sufi shrines often celebrate Hindu festivals like Holi with saffron flags and vegetarian feasts—a far cry from hardline religious divides.
“Sufism isn’t about mosques or temples,” said BJP leader and minority morcha chief Jamal Siddiqui. “It’s about shared devotion.”
He told ThePrint, “Prime Minister Modi admires Sufism as an important and integral part of Indian culture. Sufism taught pluralism and inclusiveness. It is a religion of devotion and love and is an antidote to those who believe in violence and terrorism in Islam.”
Speaking at the Jahan-e-Khusrau programme in Delhi. It is a wonderful effort to popularise Sufi music and traditions. https://t.co/wjwSOcba3m
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) February 28, 2025
Lauding Sufism, Modi said at the event: “The Sufi tradition in India has created a distinct identity for itself. Sufi saints have not limited themselves to mosques and khanqahs. He (Khusrau) recited the words of the Holy Quran and also listened to the words of the Vedas. He added the sweetness of devotional songs to the sound of Azan.”
He added: “That Hindustan, which Hazrat Amir Khusrau had compared to heaven. Our Hindustan is that garden of heaven, where every colour of civilization has flourished. There is something special in the nature of the soil here. Perhaps that is why when the Sufi tradition came to India, it also felt as if it had connected with its own land.”
नई दिल्ली में 25वें सूफी संगीत महोत्सव ‘जहान-ए-खुसरो’ की भव्य प्रस्तुतियों ने प्रेम और भक्ति रस से सराबोर कर दिया। pic.twitter.com/fjdIvTtO1B
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) February 28, 2025
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Exploiting tensions
But not everyone is convinced. Aligarh Muslim University’s Professor Asmer Beg called it a “divide-and-rule” tactic, exploiting tensions between Sufi-aligned Barelvis and Deobandis.
“The BJP promotes Barelvis in government roles to split Muslim unity,” he said. By promoting Barelvis (who dominate Sufi traditions) over Deobandis, the party aims to fragment Muslim political unity. However, skeptics question whether such strategies can overcome deep-seated communal distrust, particularly given the BJP’s contentious history with minority communities.
On a different note, former AMU vice-chancellor and BJP vice-president Tarik Mansoor said, “Amir Khusrau was a symbol of interfaith cultural exchange and harmony who promoted the message of communal harmony and tolerance in society. The prime minister wants to convey this message of harmony and cultural exchange through his participation.”
This outreach is not new. As chief minister of Gujarat, Modi engaged with Sufi leaders, and since 2015 his government has actively courted Sufi communities. At the 2016 World Sufi Forum, Modi praised Sufism as a “light of hope” amid global violence, emphasising its teachings of compassion and service to humanity. In 2023, before the Lok Sabha election, the BJP started its ‘Sufi samvad’ in Muslim-dominated to connect with leaders of 10,000 Sufi dargahs in Uttar Pradesh alone.
The party has also prioritised Pasmanda Muslims, emphasising Modi’s policies such as banning triple talaq. Siddiqui argued that the Congress historically exploited Muslims as a vote bank, while the BJP champions “inclusive development”.
Behind the cultural symbolism lies political calculus. In Bihar, where ally Nitish Kumar’s “secular” image attracts Muslim voters, the state government is promoting a Sufi circuit of historic dargahs. In Bengal and Assam, where Muslims make up 30 percent of the population, the BJP hopes Sufi ties can dent Mamata Banerjee’s dominance. Even Kerala isn’t spared: the party’s Sufi conferences there have faced protests, with critics accusing the BJP of sowing division between moderate and orthodox Muslims.
For now, Modi’s Sufi outreach is a delicate dance. When he quotes Amir Khusrau’s poetry or praises dargahs that serve free meals to all, it resonates with Indians weary of polarisation. But the big question is, will Sufi music and shared Krishna bhajans translate into votes? Or is this another chapter in India’s long, complicated dance between faith and politics?
(Edited by Sudha V)
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