2024 vs 2019 — as Lok Sabha ballot dates are introduced, how issues are comparable, but completely different

New Delhi: The winter of 2018 introduced good tidings for the Congress, which was on a excessive after successful meeting elections within the heartland states of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan, producing sufficient momentum to position it on the trail to rising as a formidable opponent for the BJP within the normal election scheduled months later.

Addressing a gathering of the Congress parliamentary occasion on 13 February 2019, Rahul Gandhi, whereas focusing on Prime Minister Narendra Modi over alleged irregularities within the Rafale fighter jet deal, asserted, “We are defeating the BJP in the ideological fight. We are defeating the BJP on the daily news cycle and the Congress party is now firmly entrenched in the mood and spirit of the people.”

In lower than 24 hours, the Congress — which had pivoted its marketing campaign round financial misery and unemployment, aside from the Rafale fighter jet deal — would discover itself pushed again to the drafting board, as anguish and a need to avenge gripped the nation after an explosive-laden automobile rammed right into a CRPF convoy, killing 40 jawans in Jammu and Kashmir’s Pulwama. 

And as “revenge” got here within the type of Indian Air Force airstrikes on a Jaish-e-Mohammed camp at Balakot in Pakistani territory on 26 February, a wave of nationalism swept the nation. The Congress tasted one among its worst Lok Sabha ballot defeats, settling with 52 seats in comparison with the BJP’s mammoth tally of 303, its highest ever. The Congress had simply managed to raised its 2014 tally of 44.

At a press convention Saturday, Chief Election Commissioner Rajiv Kumar introduced that voting for the Lok Sabha elections can be held in seven phases beginning 19 April. The outcomes can be introduced on 4 June.

As the nation heads to a different normal election, the Opposition finds itself much more electorally enfeebled, notably with the Congress dropping the Hindi heartland states it received in 2018, which denied the occasion its second within the solar like final time. A victory in Telangana was its solely solace, however that solely bolstered the notion of a North-South political divide. 

The BJP, which had proven indicators of jittering within the run-up to the 2019 normal elections until the Balakot strike got here as a booster, is getting into the ring this time with a spring in its step, having fused nationalism with Hindutva, fulfilling an array of core ideological commitments, from the abrogation of Article 370 to the consecration of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, to setting the amended Citizenship Act in movement.

But is it a executed deal but? Political analysts really feel will probably be an uphill battle for the Opposition because of “fairly high satisfaction” with the federal government, coupled with the aggressive marketing campaign of the BJP centred round Prime Minister Narendra Modi. But in addition they don’t see a lot advantage within the BJP management’s assertions that the ruling alliance will surpass 400 of the whole 543 seats within the Lok Sabha.

“The iconic image that the ruling establishment wishes to create around Modi’s personality is aggressive and cannot be challenged by the Opposition’s arguments. The Modi-centric campaign even wishes to surpass the ideals of other great leaders of modern India like Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi on the scale of mass popularity, personal achievements and international stature. Importantly, his persona as the revivalist of Hindu cultural nationalism adds an additional feature in his personality,” stated Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) professor Harish Wankhede.

Wankhede, who teaches on the JNU Centre for Political Studies, additionally underlined how Modi has been projected because the entrance and centre of the BJP’s marketing campaign in different methods, reminiscent of branding its ballot guarantees because the PM’s private ensures. 

He added: “Such ‘cult-like’ figures promise populist welfare initiatives for the poor or greater economic development, not as the responsible act of the government, but his personal philanthropic gesture or his ‘guarantee’ to the people. Such euphoria and dream-like situations about the PM’s ability to deliver has consistently been newly constructed by the television media, film industry and other sources of communication, eyeing the 2024 campaign.”

While the Opposition’s efforts to sew up a pan-India alliance to tackle the BJP had not materialised final time, there may be one in place this time within the type of INDIA (Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance). But what began out as a 28-party grouping has shrunk in current months, with events bickering over seat-sharing, or just strolling out and becoming a member of the NDA.

So far, the Congress’s alliance talks have been profitable with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), the Samajwadi Party (SP), and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), leading to seat-sharing pacts in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Chandigarh. The AAP has additionally managed to get the Congress to half with one seat in Haryana and two in Gujarat, whereas agreeing to remain out of the fray in Goa. A deal can be prone to work out in Bihar, Jharkhand and Maharashtra.

But the exit of events such because the Janata Dal (United), the Rashtriya Lok Dal, which derives its help largely from Jat farmers in western Uttar Pradesh, and the choice of the Trinamool Congress (TMC) to discipline candidates in all 42 seats in West Bengal have significantly dented the INDIA bloc, a minimum of in public notion for now. Even the National Conference has not but made up its thoughts about sharing seats with the Congress in Jammu & Kashmir the place it might not even have any truck with the PDP.


Also Read: Pratap Simha, Nalin Kateel — why BJP’s Hindutva firebrands in Karnataka have been denied LS tickets


Can BJP face compounded anti-incumbency?

Political researcher Asim Ali stated the Opposition has didn’t drive up resentment in opposition to the BJP within the final one yr, not like opposition coalitions in 1989 and 2004 when focussed campaigns in direction of the final leg had introduced down individuals’s satisfaction ranges with the federal government.

“But now, there is a high degree of trust in the PM and fairly high satisfaction with the government. The only competitive state where CVoter survey data do not show high satisfaction with BJP/Modi is Maharashtra. What a high degree of satisfaction does is that it also tamps down on seamless vote transfers like what happened in Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka last time. So you need a fairly high anti-incumbency to really accumulate vote transfers advantage,” Ali stated.

One similarity that the prevailing political scenario has with 2019 is that the BJP has nonetheless not been capable of develop in south and east India. Even in Karnataka, the occasion hopes to carry out properly because of its alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular), not on its sole power. The distinction, however, is that the BJP, not like 2019, is the incumbent in most northern states this time. 

“So the question [is], can the BJP face compounded anti-incumbency? It harmed the Congress in 1975 and 1989 when it performed worse in states where it was running governments. The BJP’s loss in Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh in 2018 had saved it from facing such a situation in 2019. But now they are in power in these states,” Ali stated. 

In the bigger canvas, these may very well be marginal elements, however the BJP hasn’t received many achievements this time on the financial entrance and welfare, he added. “So while there may be satisfaction with the government, but not much enthusiasm,” stated Ali, basing his assertion on a Carnegie India evaluation on state functionality in India — 2024 vs 2019.

The analysis by researchers Suyash Rai and Anirudh Burman, factors out that the enhancements that numerous social sector schemes might have delivered to the lives of individuals have been “incremental” within the final 5 years, in comparison with the 2014-19 interval.

“Since the performance on measures like GDP per capita has been worse than it was during the previous tenure, the situation might present an opportunity for the Opposition and a challenge for the ruling party,” the researchers say. 

They add: “There is also an open question whether the direct benefits given by the government since 2019 add up to a significant improvement from the voter’s perspective. There is room for interpretation and judgment; and therefore, there are possibilities of persuasion…All this will be considered along with the cultural and security issues. Overall, one can argue that the economic conditions are such that the 2024 election would be a toughly fought one.”

(Edited by Gitanjali Das)


Also Read: Thrissur twist: How Congress offset desertion by ex-CM’s daughter with a shock candidate